Jerry García. Looking Like the
Enemy: Japanese Mexicans, the
Mexican State, and US
Hegemony, 1897-1945.
Tucson: University of Arizona Press: 2014. History: Reviews
of
New Books 44:1,
(Feb. 2014): 25-26.
Ignacio López-Calvo
University of California, Merced
For a copy of the published review, click here
Jerry García. Looking Like the Enemy: Japanese
Mexicans, the Mexican State, and US Hegemony, 1897-1945. Tucson:
University of Arizona Press: 2014. 249 pages. ISBN 978-0-8165-3025-0
Evelyn
Hu-DeHart's pioneering work on the Chinese in Mexico was followed by the recent
publications of Robert Chao Romero's The Chinese in Mexico 1882-1940, Grace Peña Delgado's Making
the Chinese Mexican and María Schiavone
Camacho's Chinese Mexicans. These
three hemispheric approaches revise the social history of Chinese community in
Mexico, covering a lacuna in the history of Mexico and the Mexico-U.S.
borderlands. Proving the vitality of the relatively new subfield of the history
of Asians in the Americas, Jerry García, an expert of the Chicano and
Mexican experience in the United States, like Robert Chao Romero, expands the
reach of his research in his outstanding study Looking
Like the Enemy: Japanese Mexicans,
the Mexican State, and US Hegemony, 1897-1945.
This eye-opening book, the first
English-language history of the Japanese experience in Mexico, reveals the very different experience that the Nikkei community has
had in Mexico, in comparison with the Chinese community in Mexico and the
Nikkei communities in other countries of the Americas. It also offers new
information on the modus operandi of the Mexican government, in particular in
relations with its trilateral relations with the United States and Japan:
“Although Mexico denied any alliance with the Japanese empire, it nevertheless
used the deteriorating Japanese-US relations as leverage to antagonize the United
States as an early form of diplomatic weapons of the weak” (187). According to
García, among the reasons for the more positive experience of the Nikkei
community in Mexico are the high level of social integration and intermarriage
between Japanese men and Mexican women; the friendly relations between the
Mexican and Japanese governments; the relatively small community that was not
seen as an economic threat (unlike the Chinese community); and the general
acceptance of the Japanese by the Mexican population. Yet, like other Nikkei
communities in the Americas, it also suffered discrimination, racism and
displacement.
Generally following a chronological
order, García explains that, although the small presence of Japanese nationals
in Mexico goes back to the colonial era, the massive arrival of Japanese
immigrants as unskilled labor began in the late nineteenth century, with the
Enomoto Colony in Chiapas. In fact, it took place earlier than in any other
Latin American country. In the following decades, the Japanese settled in the
northern states, looking for jobs in agriculture, mining and mercantile
businesses, but also attracted by the proximity to the United States, were many
eventually moved without authorization. The military rise of the Japanese
Empire had negative consequences for them, as they began to be seen with
suspicion as a fifth column, “yellow peril,” and unfit for citizenship,
particularly after the intense political propaganda and the “impact of
hemispheric Orientalism” (11) promoted by the United States. On the other hand,
many Mexicans admired Japan’s economic and political challenge to the West, and
believed that this military prowess was innate to all Japanese: “most of the
revolutionary factions welcomed with open arms any Japanese male who wanted to
fight within their ranks based on the belief that all Japanese had been trained
as imperial soldiers” (187). This, according to García, “imbued them with
elements of whiteness, due to a perception that Japan not only reached parity
with Western military powers but also defeated them, thus placing them on par
with the West” (186).
García also studies the
participation of Japanese Mexicans during the Mexican Revolution as combatants,
mercenaries, spies, and casualties. Among the mercenaries were two Japanese
nationals who reportedly were hired by the U.S. to assassinate Pancho Villa and
who actually tried to poison him. But perhaps the most fascinating episode of
the Japanese diaspora in Mexico is their forced removal from coastal and
northern areas, relocating thousands of them in haciendas, which functioned as
quasi-internment camps (with no barbwire or soldiers aiming at them) in Mexico
City and Guadalajara. Since the Mexican government ordered the removal but
provided no economic or logistical support, the Nikkei had to fund their own
exile (“self-exile” is the term used by García) and organize themselves under
the guidance of the Comité Japonés de Ayuda Mutua, which provided valuable
resistance against the Mexican and U.S. governments. Many, however, resisted
this removal. That is the case of the Nikkei in Chiapas who, taking advantage
of the decentered political apparatus, convinced the state government to protect
them. Eventually, in García’s view, this relocation ended up reinforcing
Japanese ethnic identity. However, some Japanese were detained, interrogated,
and sent to internment camps in the United States and Mexico.
While this is a commendable study, I
would like to point out a few problematic areas. For example, the author seems
to purposely avoid the terms such as “Issei” or “Nikkei” and, at time, it
becomes unclear whether the “Japanese Mexicans” he mentions, are first, second,
or third generation. A case in point is the following confusing phrase: “since
the majority of the Japanese in Mexico were loyal Mexicans” (140). This use of
terminology also creates difficulties in understanding the numbers
used to represent the Japanese community. Thus, while in one chapter we learn
that by the end of the 1930s there were only 7,785 of Japanese
in Mexico (it is unclear whether the author is referring to Japanese nationals,
without including their descendants), later we are told that in 1940 there were
18,197 Nikkei. To continue with the use of terms, the explanation about the different
uses of “concentration camp” or “internment camp” should have been provided
earlier in the book, rather than in the conclusion. Likewise, the victimization
of Japanese who were confused with Chinese nationals during the massacre of
Torreón, only mentioned in passing in the conclusion, should have been analyzed
in the chapter devoted to the Mexican Revolution. In other cases, the author
mentions historical events, such as the Plan the San Diego, seemingly assuming
that his readers are familiar with them.
On the other hand, in Chapter 3,
García claims that “Mexico became the first nation to sign a treaty with Japan
based on equal treatment, not once, but twice” (81). Yet, he does not provide a
date for this treaty. It is important to note here that the Peruvian
government established formal commercial ties with Japan as early as 1873,
which granted most favored nation status to Peru; this was, however, an "unequal"
treaty in favor of Peru. And finally, besides a tendency toward
repetition throughout the text, and a few minor errors (the Spanish
Civil War did not begin in 1935, pg. 134), there are some unfortunate word
choices, such as the title of the section “Kiso Tsuru: The Enigmatic Japanese
Mexican,” if we consider that the word “enigmatic” is a stereotypical epithet that
has been used to essentialize Asians over the years.
In any case, overall, this is a highly
recommended book for scholars interested in the Asian diaspora in the Americas
as well as in the workings of the Mexican state. One of its many virtues is the
use of a hemispheric approach, which compares the Japanese experience in Mexico
with those of the Japanese in the United States, Brazil and Peru. It is very
well written and it provides a wealth of information on a virtually unknown
aspect of Mexican history and of the history of the Japanese diaspora in the
Americas.
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