Ignacio López-Calvo
University of California, Merced
For a printed copy of the published article click here
Published in Critical Insights. Mario Vargas
Llosa. Ed. Juan de Castro. Ipswich,
Massachusetts: Salem Press, 2014. 188-200. Print.
In
a first reading, it is easy to assume that Mario Vargas Llosa's historical novel
El sueño del celta (The Dream of the Celt, 2010), deals mainly with colonialism and Western
modernity. The characters' engagement in open criticism of Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness (1902; Conrad is one
of the characters in the novel) may lead the reader to think that Vargas
Llosa's novel is a reaction to Conrad's, perhaps an outcome of what Harold
Bloom has called "the anxiety of influence." The Irish historian
Alice Stopford Green, for instance, tells her friend Roger Casement, the
novel's protagonist based on the real-life British diplomat turned Irish
revolutionary Sir Roger David Casement
(1864-1916), that Conrad's view of human beings in Heart of Darkness is misguided: "That novel is a parable according to which Africa
turns the civilized Europeans who go there into barbarians. Your Congo report
showed the opposite. That we Europeans were the ones who brought the worst
barbarities there. Besides, you were in Africa for twenty years without become
a savage. In fact, you came back more civilized than when you left here
believing in the virtues of colonialism and the Empire" (54). Casement
responds by stating that while Conrad claimed that Congo brought out the worst
possible moral corruption from both blacks and whites, he was convinced that Heart of Darkness actually describes an
apocalyptic vision of hell, rather than Congolese reality or history.
Paradoxically, the protagonist seems to prove Conrad right through his constant
fear that if he stays in Congo any longer, he will end up going insane and
punishing the Congolese like the other Europeans, "Because that is what
happens to Europeans in this damned country" (80). I argue, however, that the topics of colonialism and Western
modernity, while important in the novel and in themselves (as Nicholas Birns
has keenly demonstrated), are a sort of smoke screen for the main thrust in the
novel: the discussion of the flaws of nationalist discourse, particularly in
its most radical form.
In
numerous interviews, Vargas Llosa has described nationalism of all kinds as a
catastrophe, a disease, and an aberration. He considers it the biggest
challenge to a culture of freedom and democracy: "Nationalism is the
culture of the uneducated, an ideological entelechy constructed in a manner as
obtuse and primitive as racism (to which it is closely related) that makes
belonging to a collectivist abstraction--the nation--the supreme value and the
privileged credential of an individual."[1]
Likewise, in his article "The Culture of Liberty," Vargas Llosa
denounces the dangers of nationalist perspectives' "parochial,
exclusionary, and confused vision" for cultural life and personal freedom:
"Seeking to impose a cultural identity on a people is equivalent to locking
them in a prison and denying them the most precious of liberties--that of
choosing what, how, and who they want to be" (n.p.). The author often links nationalism, even when
it "plays" democracy, to violence, populist dictatorship, and
totalitarianism. In an interview with Tulio Demicheli, for
instance, Vargas Llosa, referring to nationalist parties and terrorist groups
in Spain, argues:
I believe that it is a
disease; in practice, a rejection of the Other because it is
the completely utopian
aspiration of moving toward racially, religiously
or ideologically homogenous
societies. This is not democratic or realistic, because all
societies have evolved and
diversified . . . if you dig the ideological roots
of nationalism, they are a rejection of
democratic forms, a rejection of coexistence
Juan
de Castro has associated Vargas Llosa's rejection of nationalism as an ideological fiction based
on collective identity with his fondness for neoliberalism,
globalization, modernization, and the free market: "Vargas Llosa has also
become a passionate critic of nationalism and any version of local or regional
identity that is opposed to 'a world citizenship' (66). One of the
logical consequences of neoliberalism is a celebration of globalization—which
is after all the result of the expansion of free-markets across the globe"
(Mario Vargas Llosa 38).
Like many of Vargas Llosa's
protagonists, Roger
Casement, the protagonist of El sueño, is a fanatic, a man who allows his obsessions
and his "personal and social demons" (to use Vargas Llosa's own
terms) to ruin his life. As Efraín Kristal points out, in the novels published
in the twenty-first century,
Vargas Llosa remains as
concerned with the mindset of those disposed to fight for their
utopias, but he no longer deplores them—as he did in the 1090s—as hopeless fanatics or
misguided utopians with grotesque convictions. . . His focus has shifted from the
dreadful consequences of fanaticism, to an empathetic exploration of the traumas and
suffering that turn some individuals into enemies of the world. (“From Utopia to
Reconciliation” 131)
utopias, but he no longer deplores them—as he did in the 1090s—as hopeless fanatics or
misguided utopians with grotesque convictions. . . His focus has shifted from the
dreadful consequences of fanaticism, to an empathetic exploration of the traumas and
suffering that turn some individuals into enemies of the world. (“From Utopia to
Reconciliation” 131)
Indeed,
the author's empathy and compassion for Roger Casement, despite his being described
as a "radical nationalist" (19), is apparent throughout the plot and
especially in the novel's epilogue. This, however, does not prevent Vargas
Llosa from using the historical character as an exemplum of the dangers of
radical nationalism.
Nationalism, Madness,
and Religion
With this goal in mind, the narrator
resorts to two efficient comparisons that run throughout the plot: he sometimes
identifies nationalism/patriotism with madness, other times with the fanatic
religious fervor of medieval crusaders and the first Christian martyrs. Casement
often describes his mission in religious terms, vowing to make amends and to
redeem his sins of youth (his collaboration in the colonization of Congo) by
documenting the abuses committed by Europeans in the
Congo Free State while it was under the personal control of King Leopold II of
Belgium in Congo. The same religious vocabulary is used to analyze
patriotism and nationalism. Casement realizes, for example, that the saint and
the warrior embody two of the main prototypes of the Irishman. In Amazonia, he likewise
declares that evil "can reveal itself openly and perpetrate the worst
monstrosities without the justifications of patriotism or religion" (234). Other characters, such as the Irish
nationalist Robert Monteith, also highlight the fellowship between religion and
patriotism: "To die fighting for your homeland is a death as honorable as
dying for your family or your faith. Don't you agree?" (342).
Paradoxically, while the evocation
of blind religious faith is used to discredit nationalistic discourse, all religious
characters in El sueño are admirable.
As stated, it is not their religious practices and beliefs that Vargas Llosa
compares with radical nationalism, but those of the crusaders and other
religious zealots. To leave no doubt about the pathological downturn that the
protagonist's obsession with nationalism, patriotism, and Ireland's
independence has taken, he admits on four different occasions his fear of
losing his sanity. We find the first hint of Casement's obsessive or fanatic
leanings at the end of the second chapter when, after three trips to Africa, he
announces that he will move there with such fervor that his uncle Edward compares
it to that of Medieval crusaders. Later,
the subjective narrator also compares other
Irish nationalists, such as Patrick Pearse, the founder of two Gaelic-language
schools who wants to this language to be the official language of Ireland
again, with crusaders: "Roger came to feel a great affinity for the
radical, intransigent crusader for Gaelic and independence that Pearse
was" (306-07).[3]
These analogies become increasingly negative, as can be seen when Father Crotty
compares the Irish radical nationalist Joseph Plunkett with the crusaders:
His
Christianity is that of the Christians who died in Roman circuses, devoured by
wild beasts. But also of the Crusaders who
reconquered Jerusalem by killing all the
ungodly Jews and Muslims they encountered, including women and children. The
same burning zeal, the same
glorification of blood and war. I confess, Roger, that
people like him, even though they may be the ones
who make history, fill me with
more fear than admiration. (330)
Even Casement is alarmed by "The
somewhat mad romanticism of Joseph Plunkett and Patrick Pearse" (328) and
the latter's ominous description of Irish patriots as the contemporary version
of the first Christian martyrs. The use of the word "mad" in this
quotation is yet another link between nationalism and madness. In one of his
essays, Pearse had written that Irish patriots' blood would be the seed of
their country's freedom. Casement will later realize that although Pearse and
Plunkett are aware of the inevitability of a defeat against the military might
of the British Empire, they still dream that their own patriotic immolation and
martyrdom will one day inspire a long-lasting Irish rebellion that will
ultimately lead to independence: "It's a question of a hundred
revolutionaries being born for each one of us who dies. Isn't that what
happened with Christianity? (331). The Irish nationalists, therefore, take,
once again, a page out of the history of religion. In the end, Casement ends up
not only understanding their will to become the symbol that will energize Irish
rebellion, but also wishing he could have joined this rebellion of "Poets
and mystics" (279). In consonance with the constant links between
religious faith and nationalist fanaticism in the novel, Pearse and Plunkett openly
declare the mystic nature of their struggle and the sculptor Herbert Ward lightheartedly
calls his friend Casement a mystic.
Nationalism and Indigenism
In La utopía
arcaica (The Archaic Utopia, 1996), Vargas Llosa presents indigenist
discourse as a "historical-political fiction"
(68) and dismisses Inca Garcilaso de la Vega's foretelling
that Quechua culture and language would be preserved throughout the centuries,
waiting for the right moment to be restored:
Luis
E. Valcárcel is the first Peruvian intellectual of the twentieth century to develop
in
such an explicit and coherent way the Andeanist discourse against the coast and
Lima. He
was also the one who revived in the most influential way the archaic utopia
inaugurated
by Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in his Royal Commentaries
of the Incas
about
a Quechua race and culture metaphysically preserved
throughout history,
waiting for its moment to restore, in a great crash--an Andean storm--, in
modern
times, that remote society of equal, healthy, and free from greed and
commercial
calculation beings, which the Inca Empire embodied and that the Conquest had
undone. (7)
Similarly,
in El sueño the author hardly shows
his skepticism about the nationalist Gaelic League's goal of getting rid of
English language and culture to restore Irish language, sports, and traditions:
"They dreamed of a separate Ireland, safe from destructive modern
industrialism, living a bucolic, rural life, liberated from the British
Empire" (90).This evokes the romanticized fictions and the utopian
overtones in both nationalist and indigenist discourses that Vargas Llosa often
derides. Even Casement himself wonders whether his friends Eoin MacNeill and
Pearse's dream of making Gaelic the mother tongue of all Irish people again is
feasible and realistic: "English had become the way to communicate, speak,
be, and feel for an immense majority of the Irish, and trying to renounce it
was a political whim whose only result would be a Babelic confusion that would
culturally transform his Ireland into an archaeological curiosity, isolated
from the rest of the world. Was it worth it?" (302-03). In this novel,
therefore, Vargas Llosa carries out an ideological appropriation of a
nationalist leader's voice in order to criticize nationalist discourse itself.
This disparaging skepticism, albeit
this time of a more veiled nature, resurfaces when the narrator mentions a poem
written by Casement, which lends its title to the novel: "in September
1906, before leaving for Santos, he wrote a long epic poem, 'The Dream of the Celt,'
about the mythic past of Ireland" (110). Behind the guise of a seemingly
innocuous statement, we must note the emphasis on an ahistorical, mythical past
that suggests the collective fantasy, the dangerous and anti-democratic
ideological fictions on which, according to the author, both nationalism and
indigenism are founded. To continue with the comparison between Vargas Llosa's
anti-indigenist and anti-nationalist arguments, whereas La utopía arcaica criticizes the Peruvian Marxist José Carlos
Mariátegui's ignorance of indigenous culture, even though, according to Vargas
Llosa, he appropriated their plight for his own political goals, El sueño presents a hardly veiled
mockery of Casement's futile attempts at learning Gaelic, becoming more
familiar with Irish culture, and understanding the seanchai (traditional, Irish, itinerant storytellers). In several
passages, Casement, who ends up converting to Catholicism seemingly because he
associates it with Irish nationalism, confesses his lack of familiarity with
either Catholicism or Irish history, culture, and language. Here, it is not
coincidence that patriotism and religion go hand in hand again.
Following up with his argumentation
against indigenism in El hablador (The Storyteller, 1987) and Lituma en los Andes (Death in the Andes, 1993), in El sueño Vargas Llosa continues to wrestle
with the issue of the incorporation of indigenous people into the westernized national
life of the rest of Peru. Kristal
maintains that the author “has not resolved his own dilemmas about the
preservation or eventual modernization of indigenous cultures” (Temptation 157). Yet it seems quite
clear in these three novels that he does support the incorporation of Amazonian
and Andean indigenous people into Western modernity. As a case in point, in a conversation between Casement and Víctor Israel,
a Jewish Maltese rubber plantation owner, the latter mocks the idea of allowing
Amazonia to continue existing in the Stone Age, instead of using its raw material
wealth to modernize Peru and to improve Peruvians' living standards. Casement's
response seems to turn him into Vargas Llosa's alter ego, as he justifies the
economic exploitation of Amazonia and the incorporation of its indigenous
people into western culture: "'Amazonia is a great emporium of resources,
no doubt,' Roger agreed, without becoming agitated. 'Nothing more just than
that Peru should take advantage of it. But not by abusing the natives, or
hunting them down like animals, or forcing them to work as slaves. Rather, by
incorporating them into civilization by means of schools, hospitals, and
churches'" (162).
In
keeping with the polyphonic approach of the novel, in Congo Casement had
already bemoaned the cruel customs and religious practices of "those men
from another time" (43) who "seemed mired in the depths of time"
(42), including cannibalism, the sacrifice of twins and harelipped babies, as
well as the killing of servants and slaves to bury them along with their
masters. For the same reasons, several characters, including Casement and the
Baptist missionary Theodore Horte, at one point or another praise the
"civilizing" potential of colonialism to free African natives from
primitivism, superstition, slavery, cannibalism, lack of hygiene, and other
scourges. They often claim that local populations live in the past and
therefore need to be brought up to par with present time, always represented by
Western modernity. Once the protagonist realizes the big lie that is
colonialism, however, he begins to encourage others to see the world from the
point of view of the indigenous victims. More importantly, unlike the
perspective offered in El hablador and Lituma en los Andes, now
the narrative voice, using free indirect style and avoiding any sort of ontological
ambiguities, ironically condemns Pablo Zumaeta's and other rubber plantation
chiefs' habit of justifying "the worst atrocities against pagans who, of
course, were always cannibals and killers of their own children" (133). As
seen in this quotation, the narrator presents the oppressors' accusations as a
mere excuse for conquest, inhumane treatment, and brutal exploitation. There is
no doubt in the narrator's or the protagonist's minds that the particular brand
of western "civilization" that colonizers and rubber plantation
owners are trying to impose in Congo and in the Amazonian region of Putumayo
will only bring massive genocides.
Nationalism and the Irrational Side of Human Nature
Vargas Llosa vindicates and restores
the memory of this historical character as a freedom-fighter who gave his life
and savings to the struggle against colonialism, for the defense of indigenous
rights, and for Ireland's emancipation. The author tries to elicit his readers'
empathy by warning early, through an epigraph taken from the Uruguayan essayist
José Enrique Rodó's Motivos de Proteo (Proteus's
Motivations, 1909), about the ambiguities of human nature. Casement's complex
psychology turns him into an ideal literary character for Vargas Llosa, whose
opus has often dealt with the leitmotiv of the irrational side of human nature and humans’ need
to create fictions. El sueño lets us know that, like
all human beings, Casement had weaknesses and personal flaws. Besides his
tendency to radicalism and fanaticism, there may be a chance that he was a
pedophile. Among the many contrasts and contradictions of his personality, he
went from admiring the British Empire and working tirelessly on its behalf to
conspiring against it and seeking Germany's assistance for his separatist
aspirations during World War I. In fact, the British diplomat Sir Roger Casement
devotes part of his life to Ireland's independence, while concomitantly serving
the British government in Africa and South America so well that he attains
British knighthood. Thus, in the last paragraph of Chapter VI, we learn that he
was awarded with the Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St. George for
foreign and diplomatic service only one day after declaring his hatred for the
British Empire in an argument with his uncle Roger. Casement also went from
abhorring the ominous fanaticism of the Irish nationalists he meets to becoming
as radical as them. Along with the warning in the epigraph, Vargas Llosa offers
a veiled justification of his protagonist's actions by reminding us that
"politics, like everything else connected to power, at times brought to
light the best in a human being--idealism, heroism, sacrifice, generosity--but
also the worst--cruelty, envy, resentment, pride" (308).
The reader can observe Casement's progressive
political radicalization through the eyes of his friend Herbert Ward. At first,
we are told, he found a certain charm in Casement's "conversion" to
nationalism (note the religious connotations of the term). Yet in his letters, Ward
would warn his friend about the potential dangers of this ideology: "he
joked about the dangers of 'patriotic fanaticism' and reminded him of Dr.
Johnson's phrase, according to which 'patriotism is the last refuge of the
scoundrel'" (141). Still not
taking his friend's new ideological turn seriously, Ward continues to mock glitzy
jingoism, whose love for flags, hymns, and uniforms is indicative of its
provincial outlook, exhorting him to "return to reality and leave 'the
dream of the Celt' into which he had retreated" (210; incidentally, this
sentence reveals the negative connotation of the novel's title). With time,
however, the tone of his warnings changes dramatically: Ward begins to condemn Casement's
fanaticism and extremism. He criticizes, in particular, his increasing
intolerance and his tendency to resort to yelling, instead of reasoning. Much
to Casement's chagrin, as a result one day Ward sends him a letter that ends
their long-lived friendship. Paradoxically, Casement notices that this letter
exudes the same patriotic sentiment that his former friend had always despised
as provincial. However, he also begins to wonder whether Ward is right: "Am I turning into a fanatic? He would
ask himself from then on, at times with alarm" (305). The Irish historian
Alice Stopford Green and the Irish-born playwright George Bernard Shaw also
encourage their intellectual friends to avoid falling into an empty patriotism
that may become a substitute for reason, lucidity, and intelligence.
Casement is, therefore, a Quixotic
figure who ends up in poverty because he donated most of his savings to humanitarian
and nationalist organizations. Blinded by his hatred of the British Empire and
determined to fight for justice in Congo, Peru, and Ireland, he fearlessly
defies death on several occasions. Yet, as forewarned in the epigraph, the
protagonist also has a darker side: like the other fanatic protagonists in
Vargas Llosa's novels, he knows no limitations in the fulfillment of what he
considers his duty. For example, when the other members of the British commission
argue that it is time to return to England because they have accumulated enough
information, Casement insists on staying in Putumayo to gather new data that
may make his report more exhaustive and convincing. In reality, however, his
desire to stay has to do with his new obsession with meeting Armando Normand,
the most sadistic and cruel of all the Peruvian Amazon Company's chiefs. In the
narrator's words, "He was rather perversely curious to meet him"
(182).
During his trips to Africa, Casement
loses his innocence upon discovering the true nature of colonization. Later, he
claims to have discovered his own country by comparing Ireland's subjugation to
England to the situation of the Congo Free State under the colonization of King
Leopold II's Belgium. After denying it for years, the protagonist finally admits
that Ireland, like the Congo Free State, is also a colony. Now, his greatest
fear and obsession is that, unless his compatriots rebel soon enough against
British colonization, they will end up, like the native people in Amazonia and
Congo, losing their soul, becoming fatalistic automatons, and suffering the same
process of moral disintegration that will render them helpless. During his stay
in Africa, there is also a process of self-discovery through which he finds his
own sexual orientation. While neither the plot nor the epilogue present
Casement's homosexuality as a negative trait, there is a hint at a truly dark
side of the protagonist, his possible pedophiliac behavior: "a gloomy
aureole of homosexuality and pedophilia surrounded his image throughout all of
the twentieth century" (354), states the author in the epilogue. The
British government takes revenge on Casement for his conspiracy against the
Empire not only by hanging him, but also by making his personal diaries public,
which ruins his reputation even more. In them, the usually mild-mannered protagonist
uses lewd and obscene language to describe his personal encounters with young men
and, although this is purposely unclear in the novel, perhaps also with boys.
According to both the narrative voice in the plot and Vargas Llosa in the
epilogue, many of the scenes described in the diary where he pays young men to
have sex with him were probably only exaggerations or described his sexual
desires, rather than his life experiences. In any case, they affected public
opinion for decades not only in England but also in Ireland, where his contribution
to the struggle for independence was not acknowledged until much later.
Conclusion
El
sueño underscores the difficulties of reconstructing historical events and of
judging historical figures. In fact, the discipline of history is described in
the novel as "a branch of fable-writing attempting to be science"
[215] and disparaged as a colonizing
tool used by the British to make Irish students believe that their country had
no history worth remembering. Casement himself bemoans that history will
condemn him for leading the Easter Rebellion of April 24, 1916, even though,
considering it a suicidal enterprise, he actually tried to stop it. The reason
he was unsuccessful was precisely his lack of power and influence within the Irish
separatist movement. By contrast, it is not too difficult to figure out the
author's unambiguous stand for the westernization of indigenous cultures and
against nationalist discourse, discredited (like indigenism in other novels) as
a dangerous ideology and an anachronistic, naïve fiction. Vargas Llosa's harshest
criticism in this historical novel is not truly addressed at his flawed, yet
still heroic protagonist, but rather, indirectly, at present-day nationalist
discourses in Europe and Latin America. El
sueño is not an accusation against Casement, but an exploration of the
personal, societal, and cultural traumas that led this epic hero to turn into a
pathologically fanatic nationalist. In this sense, Birns has rightfully praised
"Vargas Llosa’s masterful ability to be at once objective and empathetic
about a character without endorsing that character’s ideology at all" (18).
The protagonist, therefore, is an excuse to expose the dangers of nationalism
in previous decades as well as today. Paradoxically, the novel ends up
acknowledging that the romantic heroism of those "radicals" who gave
their life for their country's freedom during the Easter Rebellion did achieve
their objective of raising awareness among their compatriots and spurring them into
anti-colonialist action. Today, it is widely acknowledged by historians that this
uprising spawned events that led to the establishment of the Irish Free State
in 1921, a fact that seems to undermine Vargas Llosa's arguments against
nationalism.
---. "Raza, botas y nacionalismo."
Tribuna: Piedra de Toque. El País.com. 15 Jan. 2006. 1 Sept. 2013.
N.p. Web.
N.p. Web.
---. The Storyteller. Trans. Helen Lane. New York: Farrar Struaus
Giroux, 1989. Print.
---. El sueño del celta. New York: Alfaguara, 2010. Print.
---. La utopía arcaica: José María Arguedas y las ficciones del indigenismo. Mexico City: Fondo de
Cultura Económica de México, 1996. Print.
Notes
[1] "El
nacionalismo es la cultura de los incultos, una entelequia ideológica
construida de manera tan obtusa y primaria como el racismo (y su correlato
inevitable), que hace de la pertenencia a una abstracción colectivista--la
nación—el valor supremo y la credencial privilegiada de un individuo" ("Raza,
botas" n.p.).
[2]
"Claro que es una enfermedad; en la práctica, un rechazo del otro porque
es la aspiración completamente utópica de ir hacia sociedades racial, religiosa
o ideológicamente homogéneas. Y eso no es democrático y, además, no es realista,
porque todas las sociedades han evolucionado y se han diversificado . . . si
usted escarba en las raíces ideológicas del nacionalismo, éstas son un rechazo
de las formas democráticas, un rechazo a la coexistencia en la diversidad, que
es la esencia de la democracia" (n.p.).
[3]
"Roger llegó a sentir gran simpatía por ese cruzado radical e
intransigente del gaélico y la independencia que era Pearse" (390).
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